St John writes that before he was arrested Jesus, speaking to his disciples, told them: “This is my commandment, that you love one another as I have loved you. Greater love has no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.”
Jesus then went on to lay down his life for all of us. There is, indeed, no greater love and that teaching of his is elemental – it is the core of our calling as Catholics. Most of us are not called to lay down our lives in this way, but we are called to live our lives in love for all those whom we encounter and to cherish all that God has given us.
How terrible then it was last week in the House of Lords, as we discussed two issues – the decriminalisation of abortion when a pregnant woman aborts her baby herself, and assisted suicide: the termination of life at its very beginning and before its natural end. British society seems to have lost all sense of the sacredness of life. What matters to them is bodily autonomy – my body, my choice.
Nothing seems to be more important than that autonomy. Certainly not the life of a little baby who should be safe in its mother’s womb, or providing proper social and palliative care for those who are dying, so that they can live until God calls them home to Him.
Decriminalisation
Decriminalisation of abortion was done very quickly. There was little debate and at the end many of those who wanted to speak were not permitted to do so.
It was agreed by 185 votes to 148. A difference of just 37 votes.
Presently, in England, a woman can get an abortion right up to birth if her baby has a disability or if there is a threat to her life. Now, even when those circumstances do not exist, a woman can kill her own baby in her womb right up to birth, and abort it.
There was no assessment of the risk and consequences of this action. I asked the question, “How is the mother to kill her child at these late stages so that she can abort it”? There was no answer.
It is anticipated, it seems, that she will take drugs currently used to abort a baby, which, in England, are available by telephone. They call them telemedical abortions. The drugs can only be taken up to 10 weeks of gestation. Since 2020, 54,000 people have been admitted to hospital in England for complications from these abortion pills. Last year alone, some 12,000—over 6% of women taking such medication—required hospital treatment.
Ireland tends to follow England in these life issues. Here are some of the hazards we identified in trying, but failing to stop it from becoming law.
How will a mother cope if she suffers the possible well-documented risks of late abortion: haemorrhage, infection, damage to the womb and sepsis?”
How will the police be able to detect the coercion of women into dangerous late-term abortion by a partner or a family member or other who does not want any child, or in some cases unfortunately, a girl child, to be born. We know that in England, there are 400 fewer Indian girls than there should be, for example. Sex-selective abortion occurs now.
How will police be able to investigate cases of infanticide – where a baby is killed after birth?
How will a mother cope if she suffers the possible well-documented risks of late abortion: haemorrhage, infection, damage to the womb and sepsis?
How will she try to manage her pain and that of her unborn child? There is a risk of overdoses of painkillers in what could be a terribly painful, terrifying and dangerous process.
How is a paramedic responding to a 999 call where a woman is haemorrhaging or where a baby is stuck in the birth canal, to respond? They will have to try to save the life of both mother and baby, unless the baby is already dead. But there are a few precious moments when a baby who does not breathe automatically at birth can be encouraged to live and may well do so if helped. What is the paramedic to do?
If the woman gets to the hospital before delivering, it will be incumbent on nurses and doctors to attempt to save not only the mother but the child. What will happen to the child who is born alive after the abortion? Will that little baby be left to die uncared for, as happens now in Ireland when babies are born alive after abortion?
If she manages to abort, what can the mother do with the body of her little dead baby?
Will she be able to bury it? Can somebody else bury it? How will the police be able to determine whether a baby was born alive and killed after death if the baby’s body has been disposed of?
What if the trauma of delivering the child is such that the mother is unable to bury the child? What if she was subject to coercion? What if, seeing her child, she is torn by grief? What can she do? What is to happen?
Who will care for her afterwards? None of this has been provided for. I got no answers to these questions.
Amendments
That was Wednesday. Then, last Friday, we continued debating amendments to the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which will enable doctors to provide drugs to people to kill themselves. We are accused of filibustering as we challenge the bill and try to change it. It is dangerous and unworkable: prognoses of death are notoriously unreliable apart from in the few days before death; even diagnoses can be wrong. There are virtually no protections for the vulnerable, the disabled, those with anorexia or mental illnesses, the poor, the lonely, the isolated, those who might be persuaded by their families or others to opt to take their own lives to save money on care fees, and so many others.
There is conscience protection for doctors and nurses, but not, for example for the hospital porter who may not want to wheel a patient down the corridor to the place where they will die. All the Royal Medical Colleges, the British Association of Social Workers, Disability Organisations, the Association for Palliative Medicine have said that it is not safe. Even the Government’s Suicide Prevention Adviser has said it is “very dangerous.” I pray that it will not pass.
We must surely ask ourselves how do we bring people again to an understanding of the unique sacredness and beauty of each God given life”
As we move through the Triduum of Holy Week, as we contemplate the crucifixion and the resurrection during these sacred days, remembering Jesus’ command to love one another and to be prepared even to die for each other, we must surely ask ourselves how do we bring people again to an understanding of the unique sacredness and beauty of each God given life, of the interconnectedness of all our lives, and to an awareness that God has a purpose for each of us in this life? How do we enlighten minds corrupted by false notions of compassion? What more can we do to prevent Ireland making the same fatal mistakes as England?
Photo: iStock
What more can we do to prevent Ireland from making the same fatal mistakes as England?
St John writes that before he was arrested Jesus, speaking to his disciples, told them: “This is my commandment, that you love one another as I have loved you. Greater love has no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.”
Jesus then went on to lay down his life for all of us. There is, indeed, no greater love and that teaching of his is elemental – it is the core of our calling as Catholics. Most of us are not called to lay down our lives in this way, but we are called to live our lives in love for all those whom we encounter and to cherish all that God has given us.
How terrible then it was last week in the House of Lords, as we discussed two issues – the decriminalisation of abortion when a pregnant woman aborts her baby herself, and assisted suicide: the termination of life at its very beginning and before its natural end. British society seems to have lost all sense of the sacredness of life. What matters to them is bodily autonomy – my body, my choice.
Nothing seems to be more important than that autonomy. Certainly not the life of a little baby who should be safe in its mother’s womb, or providing proper social and palliative care for those who are dying, so that they can live until God calls them home to Him.
Decriminalisation
Decriminalisation of abortion was done very quickly. There was little debate and at the end many of those who wanted to speak were not permitted to do so.
It was agreed by 185 votes to 148. A difference of just 37 votes.
Presently, in England, a woman can get an abortion right up to birth if her baby has a disability or if there is a threat to her life. Now, even when those circumstances do not exist, a woman can kill her own baby in her womb right up to birth, and abort it.
There was no assessment of the risk and consequences of this action. I asked the question, “How is the mother to kill her child at these late stages so that she can abort it”? There was no answer.
It is anticipated, it seems, that she will take drugs currently used to abort a baby, which, in England, are available by telephone. They call them telemedical abortions. The drugs can only be taken up to 10 weeks of gestation. Since 2020, 54,000 people have been admitted to hospital in England for complications from these abortion pills. Last year alone, some 12,000—over 6% of women taking such medication—required hospital treatment.
Ireland tends to follow England in these life issues. Here are some of the hazards we identified in trying, but failing to stop it from becoming law.
How will the police be able to detect the coercion of women into dangerous late-term abortion by a partner or a family member or other who does not want any child, or in some cases unfortunately, a girl child, to be born. We know that in England, there are 400 fewer Indian girls than there should be, for example. Sex-selective abortion occurs now.
How will police be able to investigate cases of infanticide – where a baby is killed after birth?
How will a mother cope if she suffers the possible well-documented risks of late abortion: haemorrhage, infection, damage to the womb and sepsis?
How will she try to manage her pain and that of her unborn child? There is a risk of overdoses of painkillers in what could be a terribly painful, terrifying and dangerous process.
How is a paramedic responding to a 999 call where a woman is haemorrhaging or where a baby is stuck in the birth canal, to respond? They will have to try to save the life of both mother and baby, unless the baby is already dead. But there are a few precious moments when a baby who does not breathe automatically at birth can be encouraged to live and may well do so if helped. What is the paramedic to do?
If the woman gets to the hospital before delivering, it will be incumbent on nurses and doctors to attempt to save not only the mother but the child. What will happen to the child who is born alive after the abortion? Will that little baby be left to die uncared for, as happens now in Ireland when babies are born alive after abortion?
If she manages to abort, what can the mother do with the body of her little dead baby?
Will she be able to bury it? Can somebody else bury it? How will the police be able to determine whether a baby was born alive and killed after death if the baby’s body has been disposed of?
What if the trauma of delivering the child is such that the mother is unable to bury the child? What if she was subject to coercion? What if, seeing her child, she is torn by grief? What can she do? What is to happen?
Who will care for her afterwards? None of this has been provided for. I got no answers to these questions.
Amendments
That was Wednesday. Then, last Friday, we continued debating amendments to the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which will enable doctors to provide drugs to people to kill themselves. We are accused of filibustering as we challenge the bill and try to change it. It is dangerous and unworkable: prognoses of death are notoriously unreliable apart from in the few days before death; even diagnoses can be wrong. There are virtually no protections for the vulnerable, the disabled, those with anorexia or mental illnesses, the poor, the lonely, the isolated, those who might be persuaded by their families or others to opt to take their own lives to save money on care fees, and so many others.
There is conscience protection for doctors and nurses, but not, for example for the hospital porter who may not want to wheel a patient down the corridor to the place where they will die. All the Royal Medical Colleges, the British Association of Social Workers, Disability Organisations, the Association for Palliative Medicine have said that it is not safe. Even the Government’s Suicide Prevention Adviser has said it is “very dangerous.” I pray that it will not pass.
As we move through the Triduum of Holy Week, as we contemplate the crucifixion and the resurrection during these sacred days, remembering Jesus’ command to love one another and to be prepared even to die for each other, we must surely ask ourselves how do we bring people again to an understanding of the unique sacredness and beauty of each God given life, of the interconnectedness of all our lives, and to an awareness that God has a purpose for each of us in this life? How do we enlighten minds corrupted by false notions of compassion? What more can we do to prevent Ireland making the same fatal mistakes as England?
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